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On February 24, 2022, in his speech announcing the military intervention in Ukraine, President Putin stated: "It is a fact that over the past 30 years we have been patiently trying to come to an agreement with the leading NATO countries regarding the principles of equal and indivisible security in Europe. In response to our proposals, we invariably faced either cynical deception and lies or attempts at pressure and blackmail, while the North Atlantic alliance continued to expand despite our protests and concerns. Its military machine is moving and, as I said, is approaching our very border" [….] "Despite all that, in December 2021, we made yet another attempt to reach agreement with the United States and its allies on the principles of European security and NATO’s non-expansion. Our efforts were in vain. The United States has not changed its position. It does not believe it necessary to agree with Russia on a matter that is critical for us. The United States is pursuing its own objectives, while neglecting our interests" (Putin, 2022).

An approach reminiscent of Primakov's triangle proposal occurred during the SCO summit held in Tianjin in 2025. At the time, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi was receptive to establishing a triangular dialogue for Indian-Sino-Russian cooperation in the context of Donald Trump's tariff sanctions against India's trade —50 % tariffs on imports as a penalty for Indian purchases of Russian oil (TASS, 2025).

In September 2022, at the time the Nord Stream 1 and 2 gas pipelines were destroyed, the Kremlin spokesperson Maria Zakharova "pointed out" the Biden´s threat: "Zakharova said that the US President must answer the question if Washington realized its threat against the pipeline" [...] ""There is a big difference between ‘not engage’ and ‘put an end to" [....] "It was the latter that the US President said"" (TASS, 2022).

In early January 2022, during the month preceding the beginning of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, the government of Kazakhstan suffered an attempted coup that began with violent protests in the country's main cities (in a process like the so-called "color revolutions"). To counter the coup attempt, Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev called for the support of the members of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) to control the situation. The Russian-led CSTO forces helped restore stability to Kazakhstan: this event can be considered an attempt to destabilize the Central Asian region prior to the 2022 Russian-Ukrainian conflict (Dubnov, 2022).

On the other hand, as Georgina Németh Lesznova mentions, in response to Russia's Special Military Operation, from February 2022 to July 2025, the European Union approved 18 packages of sanctions: (Lesznova, 2025: 2-3).

About the Russian-North Korean meeting, the Russian foreign policy adviser, Yuri Ushakov insisted "the agreement is not provocative or aimed against other countries, but is meant to ensure greater stability in northeast Asia. He said the new agreement will replace documents signed between Moscow and Pyongyang in 1961, 2000 and 2001" (India.com, 2024).

The Legislation for Peace and Security was promoted by the government of Shinzo Abe and passed by the Parliament of Japan in September 2015. This Law allows the Japanese government to intervene in military conflicts abroad if it considers it necessary for its self-defense or for collective defense for allies. In an editorial quoting Japanese politicians and academics, the online newspaper China Military stated that the Takaichi government's arguments that "a Taiwan contingency is a Japan contingency" and a "survival-threatening situation" were rhetoric that "lacks a legal basis, desecrates history, and risks undermining regional stability" [….] "Takaichi's fallacies regarding China are by no means an isolated incident but part of a broader agenda by right-wing forces to revive and bolster militarism (China Military, 2025).

The US-Japan Security Treaty is the American-Japanese mutual defense treaty signed in 1960.